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New Yorkers stare in disbelief as the Twin Towers burn Tuesday morning.

Collateral Damage
A real war has erupted in our own streets.
by Alisa Solomon
The Village Voice

I emerged from the Chambers Street subway stop at 9 this morning (Sept. 11) into a crowd gaping up at the World Trade Center moments after its top floors had burst into flames. Some people were crying, a few women crossed themselves, but mostly people were exchanging stories in that almost affable New York-in-a-crisis way, collecting the tales that they would later tell their friends and maybe someday their grandchildren. Until the second blast. As soon as we heard the muffled boom and saw flames kick along the walls of the tower, we knew in our bellies that America was changed forever. I wanted to throw up.

A panicky mob ran screaming up the street, some stopping two blocks north to gape some more. Theories started flying: "Terrorists," though few could say which kind for what cause. Sirens howled and quickly the streets became eerily empty of traffic. We could see some small figures -- something orange, something flapping white -- hanging off the building. Could they be people? The crowd let out a high-pitched primal squeal. I got the hell out of there.

I headed east in a nauseous daze -- due for jury duty at State Supreme Court on Centre Street, propelled by one of those defense-mechanism impulses that makes you focus on the thing that is absolutely beside the point. I turned onto Duane Street, soon finding myself passing the Javits Federal Building. I started to run. It might blow any minute, I thought.

 

Perpetual Anxiety
I spent much of this August in Israel and the occupied territories. I was there during the weeks the Sbarro pizza restaurant in Jerusalem was blown up by a suicide bomber, and left Haifa only a day before the bombing at a restaurant there. Though I witnessed during my travels through the West Bank and Gaza how those areas were the ones literally under siege, I began to understand the depth of Israeli fear. I lived in perpetual anxiety: sitting in a cafe, going to the grocery store, standing in any crowded area. Every time I boarded a bus I felt my heartbeat speed up. I never felt so relieved to return home from abroad as I did two weeks ago. At last I could drop the guard, leave the panic behind.

Or so I thought. Jury duty was over: The court was closing. So I began the citizens' march up Centre Street, merging with the throngs sent home. Cops waved us away from subway entrances and told us to keep walking.

I fell in with a group of young women, administrative assistants at 2 World Trade Center. One was still crying. She was about to enter the World Trade Center when the first plane hit. "Arms, legs. Parts of people. They were falling on my head," she said. Her friend put an arm around her, saying only "shhh," and the whole block went silent for a moment. The third friend tried frantically to get a cell-phone signal. A secretary to three vice presidents at a Wall Street firm that opens at 9, she typically starts work at 8:30. "I have to get their days prepared," she said, shaken yet proud, almost as if she expected to be there again tomorrow. "My subway was late today and for some reason, for once as the train slowed down and waited, I didn't get mad," she marveled.

Her calls wouldn't go through. Neither would anyone else's. Block-long lines formed at payphones as WTC workers tried to contact loved ones to let them know they were okay.

As we trudged along -- strangers talking like old friends, people who managed to find cabs and offering to share them -- I flashed on the grammar-school drills I went through in the '60s. The Cold War came to my Midwestern suburban school in the form of duck-and-cover exercises and, once a year, a practice evacuation. We were let out of school early and had to walk all the way home, filing out in neat lines and heading into the streets, kids peeling off as we came to their neighborhoods.

 

Bringing It Home
A real war has come to these shores now, bringing massive violence into America for the first time. The terrible human casualties of today's attacks haven't even begun to be counted yet. Some of the intangible ones to come are obvious -- the First Amendment, for starters. The altered city skyline is only the most visible manifestation of the size of the change.

I finally got my turn at the phone. There were three anxious messages on my answering machine: One from my partner. And two from friends in Israel.

 


Retaliation
Will civil liberties and foreign civilians be the next victims?
by Alan Pittman

Gored by the terrorism against the World Trade Center and Pentagon, the U.S. may lash out like some enraged, wounded animal, some people fear. Domestic civil liberties and innocent civilians abroad may be the next casualties.

Newsweek columnist Howard Fineman wrote that Americans may have to surrender civil liberties to fight the coming war against terrorism. "We may have to give up some measure of freedom to preserve what's best of the rest."

Dave Fidanque, director of the Oregon branch of the American Civil Liberties Union, fears that the terrorism could spark attacks on innocent Arab-Americans or political dissidents.

Fidanque says he saw former Secretary of State James Baker on TV blaming reforms of FBI violations of civil liberties in the 1970s for the failure to stop the attacks this week. "That's just insane," Fidanque says.

The FBI's problem is that it wastes resources on investigating legal political activities -- resources that should be devoted to catching dangerous terrorists, he says. "If they were targeting their resources on criminal activity, they would have had an even better chance of catching the culprits," he says.

Local political fringe groups already fear that they may be targeted. "Traumatic moments often cause a lot of people to run toward reactionary racism, authoritarianism and nationalism even when those are the same tendencies that created the problem in the first place," says Eugene anarchist Marshall Kirkpatrick.

Historically, the ACLU reports that civil liberties have suffered in the name of fighting wars and terrorism:

-- In the wake of the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing, the media and government officials rushed to blame Arab terrorists for the carnage.

-- The FBI wrongly accused Abraham Ahmad of involvement in the Oklahoma bombing, strip-searched him and held him for days.

-- More than 200 incidents of threats, assaults and harassment against American Muslims occurred as a result of the mistaken blame on Arab terrorists for the Oklahoma City bombing, according to the Council on American-Islamic Relations.

-- Innocent Arab immigrants are routinely jailed by the INS for years based only on secret evidence of alleged terrorism, the ACLU, Arab and Muslim groups have complained.

-- A study last year by the National Commission on Terrorism recommended reducing civil liberty protections by abolishing restrictions on domestic CIA activity and tracking foreign students in the U.S., according to the American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee (ADC).

-- In the last two years the ACLU and ADC have complained that airlines use racist profiling to target Arab-Americans for searches and harassment.

-- In 1999 a jury awarded a $3 million verdict against United Airlines after an Arab-American airplane janitor complained of discrimination and harassment.

-- After Oklahoma City, Congress passed an anti-terrorism law that allowed the deportation of people accused of being members of broadly defined "terrorist" groups and the prosecution of Americans who may support such groups. The ACLU compares the restrictions to the restrictive anti-Communist laws of the 1950s.

-- In the 1940s, the government placed thousands of loyal Japanese Americans in internment camps.

-- From 1971 to 1997, the FBI maintained files on John Lennon. The files on the suspected subversive included information that his parrot could say, "right on."

-- In 1996, the FBI wrongly accused Richard Jewell, who saved lives by moving people away from a bomb, of planting the bomb at the Atlanta Olympics himself.

-- In the late 1960s and early 70s, the FBI engaged in a COINTELPRO program to infiltrate and disrupt peace groups opposed to Vietnam. Targets of the spying included Martin Luther King Jr.

"On the domestic front, the immediate response [to the attacks this week] will probably be a wholesale attack on civil liberties," the San Francisco Bay Guardian warned in an editorial. "The United States can't allow terrorists to turn us into an armed camp. Nor can we allow this to stir up hatred against Arab Americans and Arab immigrants, who are already under attack on Internet chat sites and message boards."

On the international front, retaliatory U.S. bombs may kill even more innocents.

After the 1988 Pan Am bombing, the U.S. bombed Libya as responsible. The attack missed Muammar Qadaffi but killed his baby daughter.

To strike against terrorist Osama Bin Laden in 1998, the U.S. fired a cruise missile into a factory in Sudan, killing more than a dozen people. But it's still unclear whether the factory was actually linked to Bin Laden.

With anger building, retaliation for the terrorism this week could be on a much more devastating scale. President Bush spoke of an "unyielding anger" in the nation and promised to "hunt down" those responsible. "We will make no distinction between the terrorists who committed those attacks and those who harbor them."

"I feel like going to war again. No mercy,'' WWII veteran and New Yorker Felix Novelli told the Associated Press.

One woman called NPR and described her shock at seeing children in Palestine celebrating the terrorism. "These children don't realize that maybe their death sentence has been written."

Progressives have criticized such retaliatory strikes against terrorists in the past as escalations that have only made the problem worse.

A better approach would be to reform U.S. foreign policy to reduce the level of hatred against the nation, critics say. "Let us seek an end of the militarism that has characterized this nation for decades," the War Resisters League pleads. "Let us seek a world in which security is gained through disarmament, international cooperation, and social justice not through escalation and retaliation."

Conservative columnist George Will calls such an attitude, "appeasement tarted up as reasonableness."

With a conservative president in charge, civil liberties and innocent foreigners may be dismissed as collateral damage in the war on terrorism.

 

Notes From New York
It's the end of the world as we know it.
A personal essay
by Orna Izakson

The servers at the Hi Life Bar and Grill on Manhattan's upper West side didn't expect to be called in to work on Tuesday night. "It's the end of the world," one of them said. "Nobody's going to be out tonight." There were people out in restaurants, and not all of them looked stricken or were talking about the day's events. The most recognizable sign that something was wrong was the abundant street parking.

A few miles south, people trapped in the wreckage of the World Trade Center's collapsed Twin Towers called for help on their cell phones. At the bar, the server said "People are freaking out because they don't have enough mayonnaise. Thousands of people have died. Can you please have some perspective?"


A reporter friend of mine was on the subway coming into Manhattan from Queens on Tuesday morning, taking a train she calls "the Orient Express" for its ethnic diversity. She was shocked, she said, that the people waiting on the elevated platform took the attack so personally. They didn't think of the people in the steaming (but still standing) World Trade Center buildings as just a bunch of rich white folks.

Tuesday in New York City was a day the living reserved for shock and horror and tried to wrap their brains around the magnitude of what had happened. New Yorkers, for the most part, went home to their friends or families, listened to the unending sirens, and did what they could to call out on phone lines that were constantly jammed. There was little to report, other than the news.

But by Tuesday evening, the major media criticism was starting to emerge and will likely grow as time passes. Even business reporters whose buildings shook when the Twin Towers collapsed complained that all the media reported was "God Bless America" and "hit our enemies hard," completely disregarding any analysis of why the U.S. -- and the World Trade Center, and the Pentagon -- became a target in the first place.

One man said matter of factly to me in the morning that this is what happens when 5 percent of the world's population wants to consume 40 percent of the world's resources. (His building was evacuated a few hours later.) My sweetheart's mother, far south of New York, told him that if tens of thousands march to protest institutions like the WTO, everyone knew the day would come when someone in the world would be upset enough to launch an attack like the one on Sept. 11.

In the wake of the disaster, some peace activists were dispirited by the seemingly inevitable slide toward jingoism and war. Others saw an opportunity to change our thinking, adjust our society's gaping maw of desire for stuff: "The way to protect ourselves is to stop fucking over others so much they feel they have no other recourse," one said.


At 2 a.m. Wednesday at the New York City Independent Media Center (IMC), activists were planning a meeting in front of a Ghandi statue later in the day to discuss a community response.

"The television showed the pictures of the New York skyline, and when people look at the New York skyline they see buildings," Media activist Goldhagen said. "We play with buildings and toys as kids and knock them down. We see them blow up in movies all the time; we cheer and we think it's cool. But from this close, you see the people, and there's a human element to what's going on. And we don't have the luxury of being able to rejoice at the collapse of Western civilization because we all lost friends yesterday."

Some people did react joyfully at the attacks, one woman there said. But everyone knew people who were killed, she added, and it's important to craft a gentle response to a complex situation.

"We don't want to go to war," she said. And "(we) don't think the proper response is to bomb fucking Afghanistan."

One concern, she said, was the likely targeting of Muslims, even before there is any clear sense of who was behind Tuesday's attack. After the 1993 bombing of the World Trade Center, Muslim New Yorkers were being beaten in the streets. On Tuesday evening, New York Mayor Rudolph Giuliani said he had ordered additional protection for Islamic/Muslim groups.

The NYC IMC plans to create a pamphlet explaining what they feel the rest of the media have ignored: the roots of Tuesday's attacks. The IMC activists' analysis is that the problem is global capitalism and a U.S. military that they say attacks civilian targets around the world just like the U.S. was attacked on Tuesday.


But during the day on Tuesday, as sirens wailed all through the city throughout the day and the night, most people were still just living with the horror, trying to make sense of it, and, shell-shocked, wanting to tell their stories.

Stories about the people who jumped from the 80th floor of the burning buildings, or the body parts that drifted down (and weren't shown on TV because the networks deemed the footage "inappropriate.")

Stories about firefighters in one of the towers who used their axes to break open vending machines so that escaping workers could have food and water, or of the store owners on the far side of the Williamsburg Bridge who offered their wares for free to people walking out of the city still covered in dust.

Or the story about one man's phone call from the 90th floor of one of the towers: "I'm going to die here," he told his friend. "Please stay on the phone with me until I die."


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